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Mostrar mensagens com a etiqueta Brill. Mostrar todas as mensagens

terça-feira, 1 de junho de 2021

Kepler, a Astrologia e a Natureza dos Aspectos: Exemplo Textual

 
Boner, P. J., 2013, Kepler's Cosmological Synthesis: Astrology, Mechanism and the Soul159-60.


Kepler described the aspects and consonances as “different peoples, as it were,” who came from “the same country of Geometry.” Essentially, they originated from the same set of principles in different ways. In the case of the consonances, the section of the circumference of a circle corresponding to the side of an inscribed polygon was extended in a straight line and compared in length with the remaining part of the circumference. Kepler compared this departure from the circle to the foundation of a new colony, where the consonances, “living by their own laws,” had established a certain distance from their circular origins. The aspects, on the other hand, were thought to rely completely on the circle for their determination. While the length of a line measured by the side of an inscribed polygon lay at the heart of every consonance, no such feature could be found in the geometrical formulation of an aspect. An aspect was determined entirely by the inscription of congruent and constructible polygons in a circle. “The aspects, remaining within their own country, the circle,” Kepler wrote, “make use of no other laws than those which the roundness of the circle prescribes to them.” These figures had been found among the regular plane figures, Kepler wrote, and were “congruent and inscribed in a circle.”

Despite their different origins, the aspects and consonances relied similarly on the soul for their recognition. Kepler defined an aspect as “a thing of reason” whose influence could not be conveyed immediately, “as if rain and similar things came down from the heavens themselves,” but objectively by an animate faculty. “If there were no soul in the earth,” Kepler wrote, the sun, moon, and planets would have no astrological influence, “either on their own or through any suitable aspect.” And while the harmonies he identified among the motions of those celestial bodies were not audible, they were thought to resonate with a higher faculty of the soul. In fact, the celestial harmonies involved some of the same relations the soul made instinctually when it enjoyed a musical melody. Kepler claimed that the consonances were not simply created by the fluctuation of the air but consisted more fundamentally in harmonic proportions produced by the human voice as well as the motions of the planets. For the perception of these proportions, Kepler referred to the ability of the soul to identify and appreciate their archetypal essence. In the same way the motions of the planets expressed the archetypal principles of the consonances, Kepler argued, the configuration of the heavens exemplified similar principles that found their resonance in the soul of the earth. “It suffices that there is a soul,” Kepler wrote, “which perceives those proportions when they exist and is stirred up by them.”



Boner, P. J., 2013, Kepler's Cosmological Synthesis: Astrology, Mechanism and the Soul. Leiden/ Boston: Brill.

quarta-feira, 8 de julho de 2020

O Deus da Lua de Harã, as Observações Astronómicas Sumérias, Assírias e Babilónicas e a Génese da Astrologia Genetliacal: Exemplo Textual



Green, T. M., 1992, The City of the Moon God: Religious Traditions of Harran42-3.

  Although there are records of observation of the appearance and disappearance of the planet Venus as early as the seventeenth century B.C.E. (during the reign of Ammisaduqa at Babylon), prior to the eighth century B.C.E., the only clearly demonstrable scientific interest in charting the "wandering stars" is found focused on the moon and the sun; and, in fact, it was only beginning with the reign of Nabonassar (747 B.C.E.) that accurate records of eclipses were kept and that the reports of the court astronomers were regularly recorded. Certainly the importance of the moon in the interpretation of various celestial omina (including the meteorological) had developed quite early in Mesopotamia, but by the very nature of the lunar cycle, these forecasts could not be long-range.

  In any event, divination through celestial phenomena was just one aspect of prophecy; much more popular during the Babylonian and Assyrian periods were incubation and haruspicy. Even that royal champion of the Moon god, the sixth century B.C.E. Nabonidus, was commanded to restore the temple of the Moon god at Harran through a dream. Further support for this view is found in the seventh century B.C .E. copies of the collection of celestial omens known as the Enuma Anu Enlil, which is dated in its earliest form to around 1000 B.C .E., and probably contains even earlier material. Most of its contents may be considered to be descriptive rather than analytical; only one quarter of the omens may be regarded as ''astrological,'' i.e., specifically concerned with the stars and planets. Yet, within two hundred years of Nabonassar, a shift in interest may be observed, for a cuneiform tablet dated 523 B.C. E. indicates the ability to calculate the monthly ephemerides of the sun and moon, the conjunctions of the moon with the planets, and of the planets with each other, and eclipses.

  Despite these relatively rapid advances, however, Neugebauer has posited a date no earlier than the fifth century B.C. E. for theregularization of the solar-lunar intercalated calendar, which knowledge would be necessary for the development of a genethialogical astrology. It was Naburimanni, a "descendant of the priest of the Moon god," who early in that century devised the lunar computational tables, used to determine the true date of the full moon, by which at least lunar eclipses might be predicted. It has been suggested that the growing interest in the astral deities and astral prophecy in the Near East during this period was a direct consequence of the conquest of Mesopotamia by the Persians, whose own religion contained many astral elements. 



Green, T. M., 1992, The City of the Moon God: Religious Traditions of Harran. Leiden/ Nova Iorque/ Köln: E. J. Brill.

segunda-feira, 18 de março de 2019

Tabuleta de Ouro Órfica: Tradução



Orfeu e a Obra da Memória



Tradução

     Esta é a obra da Memória. Quando se está prestes a morrer,
     para as bem fundadas muralhas do Hades, à direita de onde existe uma fonte,
     junto dela se ergue um branco cipreste.
     Aí, quando descendem, as almas dos mortos se refrescam.
5   Não chegues nem perto dessa fonte!
     Mas mais adiante encontrarás, do Lago da Memória,
     água fresca a correr. Nas suas margens, estão os guardiões.
     Estes perguntar-te-ão, com um discurso sagaz,
     porque investigas então a escuridão do sombrio Hades.
10 Diz: "Sou o filho da Terra e do Céu estrelado.
     Ressequido, tenho sede e morro. Agora dai-me depressa
     água fresca para beber do Lago da Memória".
     E então eles perguntam à subterrânea rainha.
     E então eles dar-te-ão de beber do Lago da Memória.
15 e também tu, tendo bebido, caminharás a via sagrada que outros
     famosos iniciados e bacantes percorreram.


Tabuleta de Ouro Órfica de Hipónion, L 1 (= Frag. 474 B), c. 400 AEC.


Texto Grego:
Bernabé, A. & A. I. J. San Cristóbal, 2008, Instructions for the Netherworld - The Orphic Gold Tablets. Leiden / Boston: Brill, pp. 245-248.

A tradução do grego é minha.